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Ceann a’ Ghàraidh

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Ceann a’ Ghàraidh is not the hill on eriskay. It is the area in which the vehicle ferry to Barra is situated. It is on the South-Western side of the island. Translated to English, Ceann a’ Ghàraidh literally means “The head of the garden”. It is so called due to the presence of the old crofting boundary walls at this location. These however, can no longer be seen.

This article about a location in the Western Isles is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.

Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ceann_a%27_Gh%C3%A0raidh”
Categories: Outer Hebrides | Mountains and hills of the Scottish islands | Western Isles geography stubsHidden categories: Western Isles articles missing geocoordinate data

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Paul Salopek (born February 9, 1962 in Barstow, California) is a two-time Pulitzer Prize winning writer. Salopek was raised in central Mexico. He reported for the Chicago Tribune from 1996 until April 30, 2009, writing about Africa, the Balkans, Central Asia and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. He worked for National Geographic from 1992-1995, visiting Chad, Sudan, Senegal, Niger, Mali, and Nigeria. The October 1995 cover story for National Geographic was Salopek’s piece on Africa’s mountain gorillas. He reported on U.S.-Mexico border issues for the El Paso Times. In 1990, he was Gannett News Service’s bureau chief in Mexico City.

Salopek received a degree in environmental biology from the University of California, Santa Barbara in 1984. Salopek has worked off and on as a commercial fisherman, most recently with the scallop fleet out of New Bedford, Massachusetts in 1991. His career in journalism began in 1985 when his motorcycle broke in Roswell, New Mexico and he took a police-reporting job at the local newspaper to earn repair money.

In 1998 he won the Pulitzer Prize for Explanatory Reporting for two articles profiling the Human Genome Diversity Project. In 2001, he won the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting for work covering Africa. Columbia University President George Rupp presented Salopek with the prize, “for his reporting on the political strife and disease epidemics ravaging Africa, witnessed firsthand as he traveled, sometimes by canoe, through rebel-controlled regions of the Congo.”

Salopek was a general assignment reporter on the Tribune’s Metropolitan staff, reporting on immigration, the environment and urban affairs. He spent several years as the Tribune’s bureau chief in Johannesburg. Salopek reported from Sudan for a 2003 National Geographic story, “Shattered Sudan: Drilling for Oil, Hoping for Peace.” He co-wrote “Who Rules the Forest?” from Africa for National Geographic in September 2005, examining the effects of war in Central Africa.

Detainment in Sudan

Salopek was detained in Darfur, Sudan by Sudanese government officials on August 6, 2006, along with his Sudanese interpreter Daoud Hari (aka “Suleiman Abakar Moussa”) and Chadian driver Abdulraham Anu (aka “Ali”), while on a freelance assignment for National Geographic magazine. When Salopek failed to show at a long-scheduled appointment on August 17, National Geographic became concerned. His last contact with his wife had been on August 5. On August 26, 2006 Salopek was charged with espionage, passing information illegally, writing “false news,” and entering Sudan without a visa, in a Sudanese court in al-Fashir, North Darfur.

Press release

Chris Johns, National Geographic’s editor in chief, said Salopek “had no agenda other than to fairly and accurately report on the Sahel. He is a world-recognized journalist of the highest standing, with a deep knowledge and respect for the continent of Africa and its people.” The Chicago Tribune released a statement saying, “Our colleague and dear friend, Paul Salopek, is one of the most accomplished and admired journalists of our time. He is not a spy. Our fervent hope is that the authorities in Sudan will recognize his innocence and quickly allow Paul to return home to his wife, Linda, and to his colleagues … He began a scheduled leave of absence from the newspaper earlier this month and was traveling in Chad reporting a freelance assignment for National Geographic magazine before he was detained. Since we learned of Paul’s detention in Sudan, we have been working diligently to seek his release. … We are deeply worried about Paul and his well being, and appeal to the government of Sudan to return him safely home.”

Hearing

Defense attorney Omer Hassan requested a three-week trial delay, but was given only a two-week continuance, after a 40-minute hearing, delaying the trial until September 10. Hassan argued that the three men could not get a fair trial because the governor of North Darfur called Salopek a criminal. The judge ordered an end to prejudicial remarks. Salopek recited his name, age and marital status during the hearing. Salopek had traveled in Chad near the border with Sudan. When he was arrested he was carrying two U.S. passports and satellite maps of the conflict area in Darfur, printed from the internet. Sudanese officials view the passports and maps as evidence against Salopek. Chris Johns, Editor in Chief and photographer for National Geographic magazine, said, “As one who has worked in Africa for more than 15 years, I have two passports. There are many reasons for that. For example, during apartheid days, if I needed to cover South Africa, it was not in my best interest to have a South Africa stamp in my passport.

Shays delegation

Salopek telephoned National Geographic and Tribune editors. He was visited by a congressional delegation led by U.S. Representative Christopher Shays. Shays, in an interview given on August 26, said Salopek “did a very foolish thing coming into the country without a visa and he knows that… He knew he made a mistake. But it’s not in anybody’s interest–in their or our governments–to have this blown out of proportion. This is a reporter doing what reporters do. They don’t have any designs against the government. They’re just reporting what they see. He had a very gentle presence and he was very appreciative of our being there. We just told him we would pass on to his wife that he loved her very much and he was looking forward to seeing her. We were deeply concerned that they had arrested someone and held him so long without letting his family know about it.

Two U.S. congressmen visited Salopek on August 22 for an hour at a police station in al Fashir. Salopek said he was being held in a 20-foot-by-20-foot cell with 15 others and no toilet facilities. Salopek was later moved to better quarters. Representative Brian Higgins, and Cameron Hume, the U.S. charge d’affaires to Sudan, also attended the meeting. U.S. Senator Barack Obama visited Salopek in Africa, and said he was monitoring the situation with the U.S. State Department. Obama, urging the United States government to act, said “This is unacceptable and I expect the U.S. government to take this with the utmost seriousness.”

Previous cases

The presiding judge in Salopek’s case previously sentenced Slovenian writer and activist Tomo Križnar on August 14, to two years in prison on charges of spying and publishing false information. Križnar admitted entering the country without a visa but denied spying on the Sudanese government. The judge also ordered the deportation of an American citizen who the U.S. embassy in Sudan described as a college student doing research.

Release

On September 9, one day before the trial was scheduled to start, the three of them were freed. In a press conference, Salopek thanked New Mexico governor Bill Richardson and Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir. Richardson had traveled to Sudan on the 8th to meet with al-Bashir and persuaded him to release all three, convincing him that “Paul Salopek and the two Chadian members of our delegation were legitimate journalists, were respected journalists, they were doing their job, they were not spies.” Salopek’s wife, Linda Lynch, and Chicago Tribune editor Ann Marie Lipinski also traveled with Richardson to Sudan. Linda Lynch later nominated Richardson for the Nobel Prize along with 12 congressmen.

Departure

Salopek left the Chicago Tribune on April 30, 2009.

Memoirs

In 2008 Daoud Hari published a memoir of the ordeal called The Translator (New York: Random House) in which he details what happened. Hari, a native Sudanese living in a Chadian refugee camp, had been operating in the region for a while as a translator and guide for NGOs and the press who needed an escort across the Chad border into the dangerous war-torn Darfur region. He had been using the false name of “Suleiman Abakar Moussa” because in Chad, only Chadian citizens are allowed to work, so Hari had created false papers to appear as a Chadian citizen. Hari’s trip escorting Salopek into the war zone was his seventh, so by this time the Sudanese government had become aware of his activities because of published articles in the world press which were embarrassing to the government - he was labeled a “spy”. Hari’s driver for the trip, Ali, had a brand new Toyota pick-up truck which was very valuable - the three men were soon stopped by a small rebel band with sympathy to the government, detained, beaten and then ordered to be shot - in his memoir, Hari presumes that if they were killed it was so the rebels would appear to be killing spies, and not appear as car-thieves. Through amazing luck and skillful negotiations, the three men were able to save their lives and were transferred from the rebel group to the Sudanese military. The military held them in jail and severely beat them, Salopek almost died from hunger. Eventually they were transferred to the civilian courts and further detained in jail. Because of Salopek’s high profile and connections he was able to garner the release of himself, Daoud Hari and the driver Ali.

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John Edward Ames (born December 30, 1949) is a prolific American writer of novels and short stories from Toledo, Ohio. Raised in Monroe County, Michigan, and educated at Eastern Michigan University, Ames lived in Colorado and New Mexico before settling in 1986 in New Orleans, Louisiana. A critically-acclaimed writer of western fiction, Ames began his career writing for pulp magazines before penning horror novels and stories. In 1995, Ames’ historical novel The Unwritten Order was a finalist for a Western Writers of America Spur Award.

Biography

Before becoming a full-time writer, Ames taught English at Eastern Michigan University, the University of Northern Colorado and the University of New Mexico. He enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1968 and served as a journalist, including seven months as a stringer in Japan for Stars and Stripes.

In 2004 Ames wrote The Real Deadwood, a mix of history and buff lore about Wild Bill Hickok and Calamity Jane. Writing under the pseudonym Judd Cole, Ames wrote the entire twenty-three book Cheyenne series. Under the same pen name he penned the eight-book Wild Bill series.

Ames fled with most fellow residents of New Orleans when Hurricane Katrina came ashore in 2005, but looming book deadlines forced him to return as soon as possible to his apartment on St. Charles Avenue, where he spent the next six months writing three novels. He presently writes under a “house name” for one of the longest-published western series in America and has also written a novel, titled Deadwood Gulch, released in 2006, as Ralph Compton, the deceased “USA Today bestseller of frontier fiction” writer.

Works

Novels

• The Force
• Death Crystal
• Spellcaster
• The Asylum
• The Unwritten Order
• The Golden Circle
• Soldier’s Heart

The Cheyenne series (as Judd Cole)

• 1-Arrow Keeper
• 2-Death Chant
• 3-Renegade Justice
• 4-Vision Quest
• 5-Blood on the Plains
• 6-Comanche Raid
• 7-Comancheros
• 8-War Party
• 9-Pathfinder
• 10-Buffalo Hiders
• 11-Spirit Path
• 12-Mankiller
• 13-Wendigo Mountain
• 14-Death Camp
• 15-Renegade Nation
• 16-Orphan Train
• 17-Vengeance Quest
• 18-Warrior Fury
• 19-Bloody Bones Canyon
• 20-Renegade Siege
• 21-River of Death

The Wild Bill series (as Judd Cole)

• Dead Man’s Hand
• Bleeding Kansas
• Santa Fe Showdown
• Gun Law

Dan’l Boone: The Lost Wilderness Tales (last seven books as Dodge Tyler)

• The Long Hunters
• Warrior’s Trace
• The Kaintucks

Non-fiction

The Real Deadwood

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Robert Dudley Baxter (1827 - 1875) was an English economist and statistician born in Doncaster. He was educated privately and at Trinity College, Cambridge University. He studied law and entered his fathers firm of Baxter & Co., solicitors, with which he was connected until his death. Though studiously attentive to business, he was enabled, as a member of the Statistical and other learned societies, to accomplish much useful economic work. His principal economic writings were;

• The Budget and the Income Tax (1860),
• Railway Extension and its Results (1866),
• The National Income (1868),
• The Taxation of the United Kingdom (1869),
• National Debts of the World (1871),
• Local Government and Taxation (1874),

His purely political writings included;

• The Volunteer Movement (1860)
• The Redistribution of Seats and the Counties (1866),
• History of English Parties and Conservatism (1870),
• The Political Progress of the Working Classes (1871).

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Pierre Poilievre, MP (born June 3, 1979 in Calgary, Alberta) is a politician in Ontario, Canada. He is currently a member of the Canadian House of Commons representing the suburban Ottawa riding of Nepean-Carleton. First elected in 2004, Poilievre was re-elected in 2006 and 2008. Poilievre received the second highest vote total of any candidate in the 2008 election. Poilievre is a member of the Conservative Party and serves as Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister.

He is closely associated with Stephen Harper, Stockwell Day and Jason Kenney. According to columnist Stephen Maher, “his girlfriend is one of Mr. Harper’s most trusted advisors. His mentor is Minister of Transport, Infrastructure and Communitites John Baird.”

Background

According to his 2004 election biography, Poilievre studied International Relations at the University of Calgary, and was a participant in campus debating forums while attending university.

Before entering politics, Poilievre was a co-owner and operator of 3D Contact Inc., a polling and consulting firm, the other founder being Calgary MLA Jonathan Denis. He has also worked for Magna International, focussing on communications, and has done public relations work in Toronto. Prior to his election, Poilievre did policy work for Canadian Alliance MPs Stockwell Day and Jason Kenney, and worked as a full-time assistant to Day.

In 1999, writing as Pierre Marcel Poilievre, he contributed an essay, “Building Canada Through Freedom” to the book @Stake–”As Prime Minister, I Would…”, a collection of essays from Magna International’s “As Prime Minister” awards program. He did not win the competition. At the time, he was editorially described as being in the second year of a Commerce program at the University of Calgary. His self-description was as “a political junkie with a passion for public debating and a special interest in international relations”.

Political career

Poilievre won the Conservative Nepean—Carleton nomination in 2004, at the age of 25, after provincial MPP John Baird turned down suggestions that he should seek the federal nomination in the riding that he then represented in the provincial legislature. In a closely watched race, Poilievre defeated Liberal cabinet minister David Pratt by almost 4000 votes, or about 5.5% of the total. The Liberals were reduced to a minority government in the election.

Poilievre was voted the hardest-working constituency MP in the 2005 Hill Times Annual Political Survey. He was voted the hardest-working MP in the 2006 Hill Times Annual Political Survey. In 2008, a survey of political staffers by the Hill Times awarded Poilievre top spot as the biggest gossip on the Hill and he tied for first as the biggest self-promoter.

On January 23, 2006, Poilievre was re-elected with 55% of the vote, beating his Liberal challenger by over 19,000 votes. The Conservatives formed a minority government at the national level.

On February 7, 2006, Poilievre was appointed the Parliamentary Secretary to the Hon. John Baird, the President of the Treasury Board. As Parliamentary Secretary to Baird, Poilievre played an instrumental role in ushering the Federal Accountability Act through the House of Commons.

In the summer of 2006, Poilievre campaigned along with Treasury Board President John Baird for a measure that would reduce the Ottawa-area Queensway-Carleton Hospital’s rent payments. Under the terms of the new measure, the hospital would pay only $1 per year, down from $25,000.

Following the 2008 election Poilievre was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister.

Controversy

May 2006: Accused of accepting a gift in violation of Officeholder Code

In May 2006, Liberal MP Marcel Proulx accused Poilievre of having accepted a ticket with a $350 face value from a lobbyist, to attend a Coldplay concert in Ottawa. If true, this would have been a violation of Canada’s Office Holder Code of Conduct because the maximum value of the gifts that may be accepted by Office-holders is $200.

However, the bank later confirmed that Poilievre had not only paid for his own ticket, but had also paid for all other expenses incurred in association with the concert, including transportation and snacks.

Poilievre was caught on tape using foul language directed at colleagues in a committee meeting, and making unparliamentary arm gestures and was accused of mocking the Speaker of the House of Commons in June 2006. Poilievre later apologized for making gestures within the Commons; no apology has been made for unparliamentary language within Committee.

Also in June, 2006, Poilievre’s behaviour within the Legislative Committee on Bill C-2 was sharply criticized by opposition members as “insulting” following exchanges between himself and a witness giving testimony—a point of concern that was recognized and cautioned by the Committee chair.

February 2007: Accuses Liberal Party of harbouring extremists

In February 2007, Poilievre came under attack from Liberal MPs for making the following assertion about the party in a radio interview on CFRA:

“Now we know that a lot of extremist groups and people with some very hard left-wing views have advocated for a long time that these provisions should be scrapped. Now a lot of those people supported Stéphane Dion in the leadership. A lot of them are in Stéphane Dion’s caucus. And, for example, there are members of Stéphane Dion’s Liberal caucus who want to legalize Hezbollah …”

Liberal MPs Navdeep Bains and Omar Alghabra held a press conference to condemn Poilievre, and Bains stated that the Liberals were “reviewing their legal options” regarding the comments. Ultimately, no legal action was taken.

June 2007: Accused of editing own Wikipedia article

During the period of July 4, 2005 to May 28, 2007, nine sets of edits (a total of 28 edits in all), were made to the Pierre Poilievre article on Wikipedia from four IP addresses belonging to the Canadian House of Commons. The last of these sets of edits included removal and modification of comments related to Poilievre’s behavior in Parliament in June 2006 and inclusion of a reference to MP Marcel Proulx in which the author of the edit inserted “The entire incident left Marcel Proulx with egg all over his face.” into the Poilievre article. In 2006, Proulx had accused Poilievre of violating Canada’s Office Holder code of conduct for accepting concert tickets for a Coldplay concert (a charge subsequently shown to be unsupported by the evidence).

After a wikipedia editor reported recurring article vandalism on June 1, 2007 the edits from the House of Commons IP address stopped.

Jay Walsh, spokesman for the Wikimedia Foundation, said in an interview there are tens of thousands of living people with biographies on Wikipedia, “so challenges about information are not uncommon.” Walsh said neutrality of language and guarding against conflicts of interest are two of the central pillars of Wikipedia. He said “The edits which should be trusted would come from people who don’t possess a conflict of interest, in this case, it would be worthwhile saying that if someone is making edits from a computer within the government of Canada … if it was someone within that ministry, that would theoretically constitute a conflict of interest.”

June 2008: Comments about Canadian Aboriginals

Poilievre suggested that native people need to learn the value of hard work more than they need financial compensation. Poilievre made the comments during a radio interview June 11, 2008, just hours before Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologized for abuse Aboriginal children endured in once-mandatory residential schools.

Poilievre said “Now along with this apology comes another $4 billion in compensation for those who partook in the residential schools over those years,.” Poilievre went on to question the merits of related compensation payments. “Now, you know, some of us are starting to ask: ‘Are we really getting value for all of this money, and is more money really going to solve the problem?’. My view is that we need to engender the values of hard work and independence and self reliance. That’s the solution in the long run — more money will not solve it.”

Poilievre also told CFRA News Talk Radio that aboriginal chiefs have too much control. “That gets to the heart of the problem on these reserves where there is too much power concentrated in the hands of the leadership, and it makes you wonder where all of this money is going. We spend 10 billion dollars — 10 billion dollars — in annual spending this year alone now, that is an exceptional amount of money, and that is on top of all the resource revenue that goes to reserves that sit on petroleum products or sit on uranium mines, other things where companies have to pay them royalties. And that’s on top of all that money that they earn on their own reserves. That is an incredible amount of money.

Poilievre made no mention of the previous Progressive Conservative Party of Canada government of Brian Mulroney which, under minister David Crombie, commissioned the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples report that terminated in 1993 but was never implemented. It made many of the same criticisms and advised abolishing Indian and Northern Affairs Canada as a grotesque waste of money, advocating instead the re-establishment of the native confederacies and polities that existed before Canadian confederation. During the recent Liberal leadership race candidate Michael Ignatieff had likewise proposed a total abolishment of INAC. However, the RCAP agenda was historically strongly opposed by Day, Kenney and Harper - the Reform Party of Canada, particularly as stated by Tom Flanagan, had stood for abolishing all native rights to make aboriginal reserves effectively municipalities with no power to coordinate themselves federally across provincial lines nor rely on treaty rights which grant these nations status as peers to Canada itself. Most knowledgeable listeners concluded that Poilievre continued to advocate the old Reform Party view and was not actually proposing to adopt any of the mutually acceptable solutions natives had agreed to or that previous governments had advocated. Mr. Harper, on taking office, had discarded Paul Martin’s Kelowna Accord which was to begin to address some of the problems noted above.

Many listeners heard, in this context of prior positions by his party, Mr. Poilievre’s comments as excusing prior governments’ behaviour. His exact words: “Now, along with this apology, comes another $4 billion in compensation for those who partook in the residential schools over those years. Now, you know, some of us are starting to ask, ‘are we really getting value for all of this money…”.” As the word “partook” implies voluntary choices rather than state-sponsored child abuse, and those who pay compensation in civil courts are not usually consulted as to whether they (the abusers) are “getting value”, the words appeared to convey some racist assumptions. As Maher put it:

Anita Neville, Liberal aboriginal affairs critic, called Poilievre’s comments “disgraceful” and “ignorant.” “I invite him to take a tour of many of the First Nations communities in this country and see how people are living,” she told The Canadian Press. “The irony of something like this on the day of the apology… . And I fear it reflects an attitude or a view that is prevalent among many members of that caucus.” Opposition MPs called for Poilievre’s resignation. According to news reports, many Conservative MPs were also angry at Poilievre.

The day after his appearance on CFRA, Poilievre rose in the House of Commons to apologize for his statement saying, “Yesterday on a day when the House and all Canadians were celebrating a new beginning, I made remarks that were hurtful and wrong. I accept responsibility for them and I apologize.”

Liberal Tina Keeper, an aboriginal MP from Churchill, branded Mr. Poilievre “a national embarrassment,” and said she had received more calls from constituents about Mr. Poilievre’s remarks than she had about the prime minister’s request for forgiveness for the assimilation policies of the residential-school program.

May 2009: Use of the term “Tar baby” in Parliament

In May 2009 Poilievre was accused of having insensitively used the term “Tar baby” in the House of Commons. The controversy centered on a reply to a question in which Poilievre said that the Liberals “have the man who fathered the carbon tax, put it up for adoption to his predecessor and now wants a paternity test to prove the tar baby was never his in the first place”. Poilievre reiterated the same statement soon thereafter in a prepared reply to a question from a member of his own party on taxation.

A dispute followed, as to whether the the use of term “tar baby” in public discussions is or is not ever appropriate. A number of Opposition MPs demanded that Poilievre resign. NDP MP Paul Dewar and Liberal House Leader Ralph Goodale suggested that Poilievre follow the examples of Mitt Romney and John McCain, who had apologized in 2006 and 2007, respectively, for having used the term. Liberal Deputy Whip Marlene Jennings, who is African-Canadian, told the House on June 1 “As a child, I was taunted with this name by people who wished to demean me and make me feel inferior”. She added that she accepted Poilievre’s explanation that “he was unaware the term is also a pejorative description of blacks”.

Media coverage of the dispute noted that Poilievre was “the latest in a long line of politicians to take flak for uttering the words.” However, Poilieve refused to apologize, arguing that the term was commonly used for “issues that stick to one.” In an effort to give support to Poilievre’s position that he had not known anyone would take offence, communications staff at the Prime Minister’s Office provided media with four examples in which, over the previous six years, the term had been used by Canadian public figures to indicate a sticky situation and, apparently, without knowledge by the user that the term might be regarded as offensive: by former Liberal Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy in a 2003 speech, in an article by Toronto Star bureau chief Susan Delacourt in 2004, in a 2008 editorial in the Toronto Star, and in a 2008 column by Chantal Hebert. Maclean’s blogger Kady O’Malley recounted how she too had “laboured under the misapprehension that “tar baby” was actually a pithy, if anachronistic Southern colloquialism, and not a racial slur. In fact, very nearly deployed it in a recent blog post. Luckily, checked with Hot Room colleagues before hitting publish.”

On the other hand, in 2007 the Hamilton Spectator issued an apology “for describing a black Liberal candidate as a tar baby”, after her “appointment sparked controversy in the party”.

Electoral History

References

1. ^ Stephen Maher. “Harper apologizes, but his attack dog keeps barking”. Halifax Chronicle-Herald. http://thechronicleherald.ca/Columnists/1062032.html. Retrieved on 2008-06-14. 
2. ^ Pierre Poilievre 2004 election biography; www.theglobeandmail.com.
3. ^ As disclosed in the website of Blue Energy Communication Consultants, which lists 3D Contact Inc. as a client and provides a client description.
4. ^ @Stake–”As Prime Minister, I Would…”. Magna International Inc., 1999, p. 57.
5. ^ Denley, Randall. “It’s time to ask: Is Poilievre fit to hold public office?”. www.canada.com. http://www.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=d8600403-7ca9-4e5d-8380-103c04e700a9&p=2. Retrieved on 2008-06-16. 
6. ^ CBC Ottawa (July 31, 2006). “Queensway hospital gets break on rent”. CBC. http://www.cbc.ca/canada/ottawa/story/2006/07/31/hospital-mon.html. 
7. ^ “Mitchel Raphael “Captial diary: for the week of May 29″, Macleans.ca”. http://www.macleans.ca/canada/national/article.jsp?content=20060605_128053_128053. 
8. ^ “Political Notebook, June 9, 2006″. http://thestar.blogs.com/notebook/2006/06/they_dont_like_.html. 
9. ^ CTV (June 14, 2006). “Harper urged to apologize for MPs’ rude gestures”. CTV. http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20060614/conservative_gesture_060614/20060614/. 
10. ^ “Political Notebook, June 14, 2006″. http://thestar.blogs.com/notebook/2006/06/no_adult_superv.html. 
11. ^ “Hansard June 14, 2006″. http://www.parl.gc.ca/39/1/parlbus/chambus/house/debates/040_2006-06-14/HAN040-E.htm#Int-1596445. 
12. ^ “Hansard, Legislative Committee on Bill C-2, June 5, 2006 (time: 1745 ff.)”. http://cmte.parl.gc.ca/cmte/CommitteePublication.aspx?SourceId=147563. 
13. ^ CPAC “Pierre Poilievre Swearing at Committee”, Bill C2 committee youtube video
14. ^ “The Toronto Star - Partial transcript of Poilievre interview: February 27, 2007″. http://www.thestar.com/Article/186154. 
15. ^ “The Toronto Star - Liberals ‘review legal options’ February 27, 2007″. http://www.thestar.com/News/article/186204. 
16. ^ The IP addresses are: 192.197.82.153, 192.197.82.155, 192.197.82.203 and 192.197.82.205.
17. ^ “’simply mimicking an arm wrestling gesture made by MP Jaques Gourde along with about 8 other conservative MPs.’ - Wikipedia page edit”. en.wikipedia.org. http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?diff=prev&oldid=134126757. Retrieved on 2008-06-16. 
18. ^ “‘The entire incident left Marcel Proulx with egg all over his face.’ - Wikipedia page edit”. en.wikipedia.org. http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?diff=prev&oldid=134127046. Retrieved on 2008-06-16. 
19. ^ Raphael, Mitchel. “Coldplay and hot chicken fingers”. macleans.ca. http://www.macleans.ca/canada/national/article.jsp?content=20060605_128053_128053. Retrieved on 2006-06-05. 
20. ^ burdenko. “Talk:Pierre Poilievre - Vandalism”. en.wikipedia.org. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk:Pierre_Poilievre. Retrieved on 2008-06-16. 
21. ^ Cheadle, Bruce. “Rewrite war rages on Wikipedia over Prentice biography and copyright law”. cnews.canoe.ca. http://cnews.canoe.ca/CNEWS/Politics/2008/06/05/5785791-cp.html. Retrieved on 2008-06-05. 
22. ^ ^{a b c d} CTV.ca News Staff. “Tory MP under fire over comments about natives”. CTV.ca. http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20080612/natives_poilievre_080612/20080612?hub=Canada. Retrieved on 2008-06-12. 
23. ^ Liberal.ca. “Conservative MP Pierre Poilievre Must be Fired for Insult to Residential School Survivors”. www.liberal.ca. http://www.liberal.ca/story_14074_e.aspx. Retrieved on 2008-06-12. 
24. ^ ^{a b} “Conservative MP says sorry for ‘hurtful’ remarks”, CTV News, June 12, 2008
25. ^ Juliet O’Neill, with files from Tim Shufelt. “Area Tory’s ‘racist’ remarks cloud apology”. www.canada.com. http://www.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=c36d0167-eef2-47e0-b34f-44bd961798b3. Retrieved on 2008-06-13. 
26. ^ Hansard, “”, 40th Parliament, 2nd session, number 064
27. ^ Hansard, “”, 40th Parliament, 2nd session, number 065
28. ^ “Alison Crawford, PB: No apology cbc.ca, accessed June 1, 2009″
29. ^ “CTV.ca News Staff, Tory MP under fire for ‘tar baby’ comment CTV.ca retrieved Fri May. 29 2009″
30. ^ “CBC News, Tory MP defends use of term ‘tar baby’ CBC.ca retrieved Fri May. 29 2009″
31. ^ In his blog for May 29, 2009, CTV reporter David Akin writes that staff at the Prime Minister’s office had provided him with three examples, taken from “a national newspaper, one from a national reporter, and one from a former Liberal Cabinet Minister.” However, he goes on in the blog to quote four examples provided to him by PMO staff. All four examples are cited in the main text of this article. See “”
32. ^ Axworthy said, “Nobody is saying you toss over your U.S. relations. Of course you don’t. But it doesn’t mean to say you have to become slavishly connected like some kind of tar baby with them.” Quoted in the Detroit Free Press, December 11, 2003.
33. ^ Delacourt wrote, “Same-sex marriage has generally been treated like a political tar baby over the past few years, with most parties reluctant to whip up highly sensitive arguments touching on religion and deeply rooted social values. The Liberal caucus contains a significant number of MPs from rural and traditional small- town Canada, who have long argued that they could lose their seats if their government leans too far to the left on any social issue.” Source: Susan Delacourt, “Martin could exploit gay-marriage gift,” Hamilton Spectator, December 10, 2004.
34. ^ The editorial says, “The PQ intends to campaign on its latest plan to get Quebecers behaving as if they already are independent. The party promises a “sovereignty manifesto,” a provisional Quebec constitution, and a “Quebec citizenship,” whatever that might be. It will demand more powers from Ottawa and seek more clout in international organizations. In federal Liberal Leader Stephane Dion’s eyes, Marois’s effort to shake off the referendum tar baby is good news, even if Dion was clumsy in spelling out why.” Source: “Cynical PQ bid to rebrand party”, Toronto Star, March 7, 2008.
35. ^ “Alison Crawford, PB: No apology cbc.ca, accessed June 1, 2009″
36. ^ Hebert wrote: “If the Liberals had been serious about triggering an election on the issue, they could have brought it in through the front door of a budget amendment and made it a condition for not defeating the government last week. Tellingly, there was not a trace of the RESP initiative and the trickle of positive coverage it attracted to be found on the official website of the Liberal party yesterday. At this stage, the McTeague bill looks more like a Liberal tar baby than a party brainchild.” Source: Chantal Hebert, “Tricky for Dion to fit RESPs into agenda,” Toronto Star, Mar 12, 2008.
37. ^ Kady O’Malley, UPDATED: The first — and very possibly last — ITQ post in solidarity, or at least commiseration, with Pierre Poilievre. Macleans.ca, Accessed June 24, 2009
38. ^ Nicole Macintyre, “Racial slur rocks Liberal candidate”, The Hamilton Spectator, Accessed June 23, 2009

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The Return of the Pink Panther
original movie poster
Directed by	Blake Edwards
Produced by	Blake Edwards
Written by	Frank Waldman Blake Edwards
Starring	Peter Sellers Christopher Plummer Herbert Lom Catherine Schell
Music by	Henry Mancini
Cinematography	Geoffrey Unsworth
Editing by	Tom Priestly
Studio	ITC Entertainment United Artists Jewel Productions Pimlico Productions
Distributed by	United Artists
Release date(s)	May 21, 1975
Running time	114 mins
Country	United Kingdom
Language	English
Preceded by	Inspector Clouseau
Followed by	The Pink Panther Strikes Again

The Return of the Pink Panther is the fourth film in the Pink Panther series, released in 1975. The film stars Peter Sellers in the role of Inspector Clouseau in his third Panther appearance, after the original The Pink Panther and A Shot in the Dark.

Herbert Lom also reprises his role as Chief Inspector Charles Dreyfus. The film also features the return of the character Sir Charles Lytton (the notorious Phantom), now played by Christopher Plummer rather than David Niven, who was unavailable but would later return for Trail of the Pink Panther. The Pink Panther diamond once again plays a central role in the plot.

Plot

The bumbling of Inspector Clouseau (Peter Sellers) has resulted in his being demoted to beat cop by his boss, Chief Inspector Charles Dreyfus (Herbert Lom), who despises Clouseau to the point of obsession. However, the French government forces Dreyfus to reinstate Clouseau as a detective so that he can go to the fictional Middle Eastern nation of Lugash to investigate the theft of the fabled Pink Panther diamond, which has once again been stolen.

Clouseau’s investigations at the Lugash National Museum, which he nearly destroys, lead him to believe that Sir Charles Lytton (Christopher Plummer), the notorious Phantom, is re-creating the most infamous heist of his career. Clouseau is delighted at this, and sees this as his only chance to get his revenge on Lytton for framing him and temporarily sending him to prison in the first film. Although Clouseau fails to uncover any leads into the theft, his bumbling allows him to survive several attempts on his life by a mysterious assassin. After staking out, and nearly demolishing, Lytton Manor in Nice, Clouseau is tricked into leaving France. He follows Sir Charles’ wife, Lady Claudine (Catherine Schell) to a resort hotel in Gstaad, Switzerland, where his attempts to investigate her repeatedly fail.

Meanwhile, Sir Charles reads about the theft and realizes that he has been framed. He goes to Lugash to investigate, encountering various underworld figures of old acquaintance, and foils several attempts on his life. Lytton eventually manages to discover the identity of the true thief – his wife, Lady Claudine. Because they were both bored with their quiet retirement, she stole the diamond for her own excitement, then sent her husband on a wild goose chase for his. Sir Charles makes a daring escape from Lugash and goes to Gstaad to find his wife and the diamond.

Inspector Clouseau, who has unknowingly been on the trail of the real thief all along, receives a telephone call from Chief Inspector Dreyfus telling him to arrest Lady Claudine. However, when Clouseau calls Dreyfus back to ask why, he is informed that Dreyfus has been on vacation for the past week. Dreyfus, now revealed as the assassin trying to kill Clouseau, prepares to shoot him with a sniper rifle as soon as he enters Lady Claudine’s room.

Lady Claudine playfully confesses the theft to her husband, and hands the diamond over to him, so he can go about proving his innocence. They are cornered by Colonel Sharky (Peter Arne) of the Lugash Secret Police, who intends to kill them both. It turns out the Lugashi government has been using the theft of the diamond as an excuse to purge their political opponents. Just then, Clouseau barges into the room to arrest the Lyttons. Sir Charles points out that Colonel Sharky is going to kill them all, and Clouseau buffoonishly attempts to arrest Sharky. Suddenly, Dreyfus opens fire on the room, and manages to accidentally kill Sharky while aiming at Clouseau, who has ducked at the last minute to check his fly. During the fray, Clouseau allows the Lyttons to escape.

For his work in recovering the Pink Panther, Clouseau is promoted to Chief Inspector, and vows to bring Sir Charles, who has resumed his crime spree, to justice. Lady Claudine’s fate is not revealed to the audience. Dreyfus is committed to a lunatic asylum, where he is straightjacketed and placed inside a rubber room. The movie ends with Dreyfus holding a crayon between his toes to scrawl “KILL CLOUSEAU” on the cell wall, while the animated Pink Panther appears to film him.

Cast

Clouseau talks to a blind man and his chimpanzee “minkey” about a license required for begging with musical instruments. (See below)

• Peter Sellers as Insp. Jacques Clouseau
• Christopher Plummer as Sir Charles Lytton
• Catherine Schell as Lady Claudine Lytton
• Herbert Lom as Chief Insp. Charles Dreyfus
• Peter Arne as Col. Sharky
• Peter Jeffrey as Gen. Wadafi
• Grégoire Aslan as Police Chief Lundallah
• David Lodge as Mac
• Graham Stark as Pepi
• Eric Pohlmann as The Fat Man
• André Maranne as Sgt. François Chevalier
• Burt Kwouk as Cato Fong
• Victor Spinetti as Hotel Concierge
• John Bluthal as Blind Beggar
• Mike Grady as Bellboy
• Peter Jones as Psychiatrist

Cast notes:

• Carol Cleveland, known to many for her regular appearances on Monty Python’s Flying Circus, has a small part as a swimming pool diver.

Production notes

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2008)

• Richard Williams did the animated open and close titles for this picture and The Pink Panther Strikes Again, due to DePatie-Freleng’s work on the Pink Panther shorts and other cartoon projects for TV and film.
• In the first two Pink Panther films, Peter Sellers played Clouseau with a straight French accent. With this film, he began using the exaggerated accent that has become associated with the character.
• Catherine Schell can be seen laughing on at least two occasions in the film - once when Clouseau impersonates a telephone repairman to infiltrate her home, and again when he meets her in a restaurant and pretends to be “Guy Gadbois”, a ladies’ man. This magnifies the impression that Lady Lytton sees Clouseau as “cute” rather than as a real threat. These scenes are frequently proferred as classic examples of corpsing, and it was not uncharacteristic of Sellers to goad his fellow actors to break character, but Schell has maintained in various interviews that she always considered it in character for Lady Lytton to be amused at Clouseau’s antics.
• The scene in which Sir Charles Lytton arrives at his hotel in Lugash is an obvious homage to the film Casablanca (which, at the time of Return‘s release, was owned by UA). The song “As Time Goes By” can be clearly heard playing on a piano in the background. As Sir Charles meets with his contact he also asks for “The Fat Man” (a reference to the rather large Sydney Greenstreet, who played Señor Ferrari in Casablanca), and tells the contact to have a drink of Renault (the name of Claude Rains’ French police prefect character).

Ownership and Distribution History

Like the previous three Panther films, The Return of the Pink Panther was released by United Artists. However, United Artists was not directly involved in the production of this film.

At the time of its release, UA sold their rights to independent company ITC Entertainment, which intended to make a Pink Panther television miniseries starring Sellers and Lom. However, early in pre-production, ITC made the decision to make a feature film.

As of the present, UA continues to hold the copyright as well as theatrical distribution rights (as MGM currently holds theatrical rights to the ITC feature film library). When the film made its television premiere in 1976, UA also held television rights until ITC, by contract, took over television syndication, which is why for later TV airings the ITC television logo, instead of the then-current UA/Transamerica logo, preceded the film. But in 2008, UA (via sister company MGM) acquired, for the first time ever, domestic television syndication and internet distribution rights (the MGM logo precedes current internet and television airings of Return of…). However, those are the only rights UA has to this film.

Due to rights issues and management changes involving ITC Entertainment, MGM/UA did not originally hold select ancillary rights beyond their original theatrical distribution license. As a result, other video companies (under license from ITC) such as CBS/Fox Video and Live Entertainment (as well as Live’s successor Artisan Entertainment) handled home video versions. These issues caused Return of… to enter litigation for a brief time, which is why MGM Home Entertainment did not include Return of… in a 2004 DVD box set of Pink Panther films or the 2008 “Ultimate” collection, and will not do so for future collections.

MGM was also not given permission to include material from this movie in its 2006 publication “Pink Panther: The Ultimate Guide to the Coolest Cat in Town”, although footage from the movie does appear in the ending credits of Trail of the Pink Panther, since they could include it in a feature film and the film’s home video release.

The remaining rights to Return of… outside of domestic media distribution have reverted to Universal Pictures (via its Focus Features division), which recently assumed the video rights from Artisan/Lions Gate Home Entertainment. Universal/Focus’ portion of the rights are in partnership with ITC and its successor-in-interest, ITV Global Entertainment Ltd..

Quotes

The film opens with Clouseau on a street beat, arguing with a blind street minstrel and his Chimpanzee monkey if he had a license. Meanwhile, Clouseau is totally unaware of a bank heist going on in the background, and even returns a dropped wad of bills back to the robbers whilst engaged in an argument with the minstrel. Clouseau pronounces “license” as something sounding like “le sanz”, and “monkey” as “muin-key” or “minkey,” continuing the hilarious vaudeville slant of the film. Later he is questioned by his superior, the Chief Inspector Dreyfus:

• Chief Inspector Dreyfus: “The beggar was the lookout man for the gang.”
• Inspector Clouseau: “That is impossible.”
• Chief Inspector Dreyfus: Why?”
• Inspector Clouseau: “Because he was blind. How can a blind man be a lookout?”
• Chief Inspector Dreyfus: “How can an idiot be a policeman? Answer me that!”
• Inspector Clouseau: “Well, that is very simple. All he has to do is enlist.”
• Chief Inspector Dreyfus: “Shut up!”

Notes

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Forest Hill High School is located in Jackson, Mississippi. It serves students from grades 9-12, and is part of the Jackson Public School District.

Demographics

There were a total of 1,136 students enrolled in Forest Hill High during the 2006-2007 school year. The gender makeup of the district was 51% female and 49% male. The racial makeup of the school was 96.39% African American, 2.90% White, 0.35% Hispanic, and 0.35% Asian.

Feeder Pattern

The following schools feed into Forest Hill High School.

• Middle Schools
  • Siwell Middle School

• Elementary Schools
  • Oak Forest Elementary School
  • Timberlawn Elementary School
  • Van Winkle Elementary School
  • Woodville Heights Elementary School

References

1. ^ “Mississippi Assessment and Accountability Reporting System”. Office of Research and Statistics, Mississippi Department of Education. http://orsap.mde.k12.ms.us:8080/MAARS/indexProcessor.jsp. 
2. ^ Feeder Patterns – Jackson Public Schools.

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Blowing Rock may refer to:

• The town of Blowing Rock, North Carolina.
• The rocky outcropping Blowing Rock (land feature), near the town of the same name.
• Island in the caribbean belonging to Anguilla.

This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the same title. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.

all star

This article describes a work or element of fiction in a primarily in-universe style. Please help rewrite it to explain the fiction more clearly and provide non-fictional perspective.

The Galactic Republic is the name of the interplanetary State used in the fictional Star Wars universe prior to the establishment of the Galactic Empire. The form of this government, created by the Senate, was introduced in the Prequel Trilogy. By the time of the original Star Wars trilogy, it is referred to as the Old Republic. It was a democratic, though eventually ineffectual, constitutional republic tied up in layers of bureaucracy.

The Republic, as it was commonly known, was a republican government that was able to sustain itself for over twenty-five thousand years.

History

The Republic itself was formed on or near 25,000 BBY when the first “Galactic Constitution” was signed on Coruscant, after the Corellian Hyperdrive connected many worlds in the Galactic Core. Whether this means that Coruscant was the original homeworld of humans or simply the most powerful world at the time is still up for debate, and there has been little said about the event other than that it occurred. The Republic was made up of several hundred thousand worlds.

Galactic Senate

The Republic began as a mutual protection and economic alliance among a number of planets in the Galactic Core. Each member world chose a Senator to represent them in the Republic Senate, a central Legislative body. Senators were ambassadors of their homeworld, and member worlds were able to maintain their government and society in accordance with local beliefs, customs, and traditions. There were a wide variety of different local governments along the political spectrum: from Monarchies to Republics to Hive-like communes. In some systems, the senator was elected to that post; in others the world government appointed the senator. Naboo’s monarch appointed their senator, while the Alderaan Council of Elders elected their senator out of their own ranks, usually the heir to the Royal House of Organa and their bloodline, as the heir was also the leader of the council.

When the Republic’s power and influence expanded, many new areas of the galaxy were incorporated into the Republic. A reorganization of Senatorial representation occurred 1,000 BBY during the Ruusan Reformation. The most common organization for these new territories was to group regions into Sectors of about 50 inhabited worlds. Each sector is represented by a Senatorial Delegation. When the number of sectors became too large, sectors were organized into roughly a thousand regions, each represented by one delegation to the Senate.

The Senate served as the governing body of the Galactic Republic, while the Jedi Order served as its defenders. The Senate, and therefore the seat of government, was established on the planet Coruscant, with coordinates 0-0-0 in the standard galactic coordinate system, signifying its central location in the galaxy.

The Senate, according to the Star Wars.com Databank, was an enormous building containing 1,024 floating platforms, each of which contained a senator and his or her aides. Each platform in the senate represented a “sector” of the galaxy, with one senator for that sector accompanied by a delegation of aides and advisers. Some platforms represented individual worlds bringing special pleas to the senate, others the special interest guilds such as the Trade Federation. Along with the senators, the leaders of the individual member planets apparently also had the power to vote in the Senate and introduce legislation. Each senatorial delegation had one vote.

The members of the Senate then elected a Chancellor from amongst their ranks who served as the Senate’s presiding officer and as the Republic’s de facto leader. The Chancellor was assisted by the Vice Chair, who is presumably elected in the same manner as the Chancellor; the same Vice Chair is present throughout the entire prequel trilogy. Based on the films, we can see that the Senate followed pseudo-parliamentary rules. In The Phantom Menace, Chancellor Finis Valorum was forced out of office by the Senate in a motion of no confidence, introduced by Queen Amidala of Naboo.

Senators received one vote in all matters, procedural and substantive. The Supreme Chancellor was elected from within the Senate for a set term. Presumably this term was up to two terms of four years, with the Senate able to give the Chancellor emergency powers as well as remove him from office when necessary, as given throughout various books and movies of the prequel trilogy. The assembly was in turn divided into individual committees, each specializing in specific fields of government administration, and which were responsible for creating legislation to be reviewed by the full assembly. The Senate had some form of judicial power as well, although the Republic’s judicial branch was the Supreme Court and the Senate’s power in this area may have been limited to trying its own members.

Although legislation passed by the Senate was binding to all member worlds, most of the everyday legislation followed by citizens of the Republic was created at the planetary, sectoral, or regional level. Therefore, the main functions of the Senate were to mediate disputes between members, provide for the common defense, and regulate inter-system trade. The Jedi, who answered to the Chancellor, became traveling representatives of the Senate responsible not only for protecting the Republic and its citizens, but also to serve as representatives of the Republic and as mediators for individual disputes.

The Republic’s greatest failing was its lack of formal organization. Much of its operation is based on non-binding constitutional conventions, which were often ignored and undermined by corrupt and power-hungry politicians. Coalition governments were common with special interests defining the legislative agenda.

However, the waning years of the Republic were a time of corruption and great social injustice. The Senate became divided between those who genuinely wished to uphold the values and ideals of the Republic and those who wished to further their own goals. After a series of weak and ineffectual Chancellors and a crisis involving the invasion of Naboo by the Trade Federation over a tariff passed in the Senate, the time came for strong leadership to end the corruption.

After Palpatine became Chancellor, he increased the power of the office from acting as commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic to the institution of his personal bodyguard, the Red Guard. The rights of many, including the Galactic Senate, were relinquished in the name of security. The removal of privacy screens in the Galactic Senate, which allow senators to discuss issues before the Senate in private resulted in many senators afraid to voice their response to a vote because of the installed surveillance hovercams listening in on every word and reporting to the Senate Security Chief. The Galactic Senate also met less often as the Chancellor was voted more emergency powers.

Galactic Senators/Politicians

Politicians include Senators, the Chancellor, the Vice Chair of the Senate, the Administrative Aide, various Representatives from each system, and the members of the Jedi Council. Non-council Jedi aren’t necessarily non-politicians, but the special status of the Jedi Council enabled those on it to have a substantial degree of power and moral authority. One Jedi master, Luminara Unduli, was the only non-council member to get as much power in politics as a member of the Senate.

Jedi and Jedi Council

Main article: Jedi Council

The Jedi function as a peace-keeping force in the Republic, giving them a significant degree of political power. The Jedi with the most authority serve on the Jedi Council, among whom Yoda and Mace Windu acted as de-facto leaders at the height of the Republic. Although the Chancellor did hold some degree of political authority over the Jedi, very little pressure was ever put on the Council before Palpatine took office and commanded that Anakin Skywalker become a member of the Council, despite the misgivings of the Jedi.

Republic Military

For most of its history since the Battle of Ruusan, the Republic did not maintain an army except as a token force for military parades and showing the flag. This was to display the Republic’s peaceful ideals, as the Republic used Jedi Knights as “keepers of the peace.”

Several trade organizations, such as the Trade Federation and Commerce Guild, kept armies of droids in order to protect their profits and occasionally took advantage of this, such as when the Trade Federation invaded and occupied Naboo, resulting in the Battle of Naboo. Individual sectors also maintained their own security forces, such as Naboo Security Force or the CorSec from Corellia, and these were sometimes used to combat small threats. However there was no centralized command, and the members of the Republic were loath to change this. Since most of the military power within the Republic’s territory was not actually controlled by the Republic, but as depicted in Attack of the Clones, by member planets such as Naboo or organizations such as the Techno Union and the Intergalactic Banking Clan, the ability of the Senate to enforce its decrees was severely limited, and it was forced to rely on the Jedi. Conversely, however, the Trade Federation and other cartels within the Republic, some of which were represented in the Senate, held that a Republic government which lacked significant military power was just what they wanted, since it couldn’t control them.

The Clone Wars changed all this. The Republic initially had no standing military to deal with the Confederacy of Independent Systems; therefore a Military Creation Act was proposed, which was strongly opposed by many of the Republic’s pacifist leaders, such as Padmé Amidala of Naboo, who feared the possibility of going to war. Supporters included Orn Free Taa of Ryloth and Ask Aak of Malastare.

However, a Clone Army had already been created in secret on the planet Kamino ten years before. When it became clear the Confederacy had no intention of negotiating with the Republic, the Republic adopted this army as the Grand Army of the Republic, along with AT-TE walkers, gunships and other the Republic Open Circle Fleet, most of which were produced by Rothan Heavy Engineering. The Republic’s war effort was initially hindered because most of the major industrial combines in the Galaxy had, under the aegis of the Techno Union, sided with the Confederacy. The Kamino-bred clones formed the nucleus of the Republic’s new army, and were swiftly augmented by clones from other sources as well as traditional recruiting; within a few years of the Battle of Geonosis, the Republic’s military had expanded astronomically and had become the preeminent military force in the Galaxy. The rapid militarization of the Republic during the Clone Wars, overseen by Chancellor Palpatine, had far-reaching effects; the Senate’s powers were reduced, the military became the primary arm of the government, and the Republic swiftly transitioned into Palpatine’s New Order.

End of the Republic

By the time of The Phantom Menace, the Republic had grown unbearably corrupt. Palpatine became the Chancellor in 32 BBY after his predecessor, Finis Valorum, was voted out in a no confidence vote in a wave of protest against his handling of the conflict with the Trade Federation. Traditionally, the Chancellor could only serve a limited amount of time; however, Palpatine stayed in office much longer, due to the prolonged Separatist Crisis as well as the threat posed by the “Jedi Rebellion.”

The crisis occurred when several of the Republic’s member Star Systems and organizations united in order to separate from the Republic. This unified organization became known as the Confederacy of Independent Systems, or CIS for short. Tensions between the Republic and the Separatists eventually escalated into all-out war, and the conflicts that would later be known as the “Clone Wars” began (chronicled in Attack of the Clones).

The Senate granted Palpatine emergency powers to deal with the Separatist Confederacy in a motion introduced by Representative Jar Jar Binks. Palpatine’s first move, widely supported at the time, was to create a vast army of clone troopers to serve as the Republic’s fighting force against the Confederacy. The Republic had not previously needed an army, since until then any small conflicts within the Republic could be solved with the “peacekeeping” Jedi. However, the fact that the Confederacy had access to an enormous army of droid soldiers required the Republic to construct a more formal military to fight effectively.

In the ensuing years, the Senate increasingly granted enormous amounts of power to Palpatine, who became the war’s political Commander-in-Chief. Such actions were justified in the name of security, and were considered a perfectly reasonable way to increase the wartime government’s efficiency. Eventually, Palpatine gained enough power that he could take virtually any action without Senate approval. In effect, he was now a dictator (though he commanded an overwhelming majority in the Senate in any case).

Tension between Palpatine and the Jedi began to grow as the war progressed. Many members of the Jedi Council remained skeptical of Palpatine’s growing powers, especially at the expense of the Senate—the only body they were contractually bound to serve. In time, the Jedi began to believe that Palpatine would not surrender his power at the end of the war. This suspicion was also shared by some senators, including Padmé Amidala of Naboo, Bail Organa of Alderaan and Mon Mothma of Chandrila. Indeed, early in the novelization of Episode III, Palpatine has appointed regional governors over the various worlds of the Republic, buttressed by detachments of clones.

After the death of Separatist leader General Grievous, and the discovery that Palpatine was actually Darth Sidious, the Jedi made their move in accordance with contingency plans already made. They attempted to arrest Palpatine, but failed. Shortly afterward, Palpatine secretly issued Order 66, a galaxy-wide instruction for all clone troops to kill their Jedi commanders. This command had been secretly implanted in all of the clones when they were created.

Many of the Jedi serving as generals of the Army of the Republic quickly fell victim to the clone trooper forces. They overwhelmed the often isolated Jedi, who were taken by surprise. Because the clones were simply following the command implanted in them, there was no treachery for the Jedi to sense in the minds of the clones that served them. The Jedi remaining in the Temple on Coruscant were eliminated by a detachment of elite clone stormtroopers led by Darth Vader, once having been Anakin Skywalker, who single-handedly cut down many Jedi himself — including many children studying as Padawans there.

As the Clone Wars were winding down, however, Palpatine’s once near-unanimous support began to falter. As depicted in the Revenge of the Sith novelization and deleted scenes from the film itself, a bloc of senators began to emerge, even before the Clone Wars had ended, who opposed Palpatine’s authoritarian rule and resented his treatment of the Jedi and other opponents. This bloc, originally led by influential politicians such as Bail Organa, Mon Mothma, and later by Bail’s adopted daughter Princess Leia Organa, eventually became the political voice of the emerging Rebel Alliance.

At the conclusion of the Clone Wars, Palpatine addressed the Senate. First he related the story of the unsuccessful assassination attempt by the Jedi. Claiming that it was a “rebellion” against the Republic, he declared the Order to be enemies of the Republic. Then he announced that the Galactic Republic would become a Galactic Empire so strong as to never be threatened by outside forces again:

Palpatine, who by this time had been grotesquely disfigured (he claimed this was from the Jedi assassination attempt since Mace Windu did, in truth, disfigure him), proclaimed himself to be the first Emperor of the galaxy. Deluded by Palpatine’s charisma and skill (and perhaps also by his considerable dark side power), the majority of the Senate cheered him on loudly in approval, which provoked one of Senator Padmé Amidala’s more memorable lines: “So this is how liberty dies: with thunderous applause.” After so many millennia, the Galactic Republic had ceased to exist.

The Senate continued to exist after the formation of the Empire, as the Imperial Senate, but it was a virtually powerless advisory council. Palpatine remained the final authority on all laws; at most, the Senate could simply delay and discuss legislation.

Nearly two decades later, shortly before the Battle of Yavin, Palpatine found the continued existence of open political dissent a hindrance to his total control, and disbanded the Imperial Senate — sweeping away the last remnants of the Galactic Republic. He formally placed all power of governance in the hands of the regional governors of the Imperial Military, thus abolishing civilian control of government. In truth, however, the real power had rested with the regional governors for some time, as long as they did not try to cross the Emperor. The Senate Building, however, still remained visible on the Coruscant skyline at the time of the destruction of the Second Death Star at the Battle of Endor. In addition Anakin Skywalker, having turned away from the Dark Side and from Darth Vader, assassinated Palpatine, thus bringing balance to the Force.

Rebirth of the Republic

After the fall of the Empire and the end of the Galactic Civil War, the Galactic Republic is re-established by the Rebel Alliance as the New Republic.

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Hugh Capet
King of the Franks
An imagined image of Hugh Capet; no contemporary images of Hugh exist.
Reign	3 July 987 – 24 October 996
Coronation	3 July 987, Noyons
Predecessor	Louis V
Successor	Robert II
Spouse	Adelaide of Aquitaine
Issue
Hedwig, Countess of Mons Gisèle, Countess of Ponthieu Robert II
Father	Hugh the Great
Mother	Hedwige of Saxony
Born	c. 940
Died	24 October 996 Paris, France
Burial	Saint Denis Basilica, Paris, France

French Monarchy
Direct Capetians
Hugh Capet
Robert II

Hugh Capet (c. 940 – 24 October 996) was the first King of France of the eponymous Capetian dynasty from his election to succeed the Carolingian Louis V in 987 until his death.

Descent and inheritance

The son of Hugh the Great, Duke of France, and Hedwige of Saxony, daughter of the German king Henry the Fowler, Hugh was born about 940. His paternal family, the Robertians, were powerful landowners in the Île-de-France. His grandfather had been King Robert I and his grandmother Beatrice was a Carolingian, a daughter of Herbert I of Vermandois. King Odo was his great uncle and King Rudolph Odo’s son-in-law. Hugh was born into a well-connected and powerful family with many ties to the reigning nobility of Europe. But for all this, Hugh’s father was never king. When Rudolph died in 936, Hugh the Great organized the return of Louis d’Outremer, son of Charles the Simple, from his exile at the court of Athelstan of England. Hugh’s motives are unknown, but it is presumed that he acted to forestall Rudolph’s brother and successor as Duke of Burgundy, Hugh the Black from taking the French throne, or to prevent it from falling into the grasping hands of Herbert II of Vermandois or William Longsword, Duke of Normandy.

In 956, Hugh inherited his father’s estates and became one of the most powerful nobles in the much-reduced West Frankish kingdom. However, as he was not yet an adult, his uncle Bruno, Archbishop of Cologne, acted as regent. Young Hugh’s neighbours made the most of the opportunity. Theobald I of Blois, a former vassal of Hugh the Great, took the counties of Chartres and Châteaudun. Further south, on the border of the kingdom, Fulk II of Anjou, another former client of Hugh the Great, carved out a principality at Hugh’s expense and that of the Bretons.

The realm in which Hugh grew up, and of which he would one day be king, bore no resemblance to modern France. Hugh’s predecessors did not call themselves rois de France (”Kings of France”), and that title was not used until the time of his distant descendant Philip the Fair (died 1314). Kings ruled as rex Francorum (”King of the Franks”) and the lands over which they ruled comprised only a very small part of the former Carolingian Empire. The eastern Frankish lands, the Holy Roman Empire, were ruled by the Ottonian dynasty, represented by Hugh’s first cousin Otto II and then by Otto’s son, Otto III. The lands south of the river Loire had largely ceased to be part of the West Frankish kingdom in the years after Charles the Simple was deposed in 922. The Duchy of Normandy and the Duchy of Burgundy were largely independent, and Brittany entirely so, although from 956 Burgundy was ruled by Hugh’s brothers Odo and Henry.

Election and extent of power

From 977 to 986, Hugh Capet allied himself with the German emperors Otto II and Otto III and with Archbishop Adalberon of Reims to dominate the Carolingian king, Lothair. By 986, he was king in all but name. After Lothair and his son died in early 987, Adalberon and Gerbert of Aurillac convened an assembly of nobles to elect Hugh Capet as their king. In front of an electoral assembly at Senlis, Adalberon gave a stirring oration and pleaded to the nobles:

He was elected and crowned rex Francorum at Noyon in Picardy on 3 July 987, by the prelate of Reims, the first of the Capetian house. Immediately after his coronation, Hugh began to push for the coronation of his son Robert. Hugh’s own claimed reason was that he was planning an expedition against the Moorish armies harassing Borrel II of Barcelona, an invasion which never occurred, and that the stability of the country necessitated two kings should he die while on expedition. Ralph Glaber, however, attributes Hugh’s request to his old age and inability to control the nobility. Modern scholarship has largely imputed to Hugh the motive of establishing a dynasty against the pretension of electoral power on the part of the aristocracy, but this is not the typical view of contemporaries and even some modern scholars have been less sceptical of Hugh’s “plan” to campaign in Spain. Robert was eventually crowned on 25 December that same year.

10th century West Francia (France).

Hugh Capet possessed minor properties near Chartres and Angers. Between Paris and Orléans he possessed towns and estates amounting to approximately 400 square miles (1,000 km²). His authority ended there, and if he dared travel outside his small area, he risked being captured and held for ransom, though, as God’s anointed, his life was largely safe. Indeed, there was a plot in 993, masterminded by Adalberon, Bishop of Laon and Odo I of Blois, to deliver Hugh Capet into the custody of Otto III. The plot failed, but the fact that no one was punished illustrates how tenuous his hold on power was. Beyond his power base, in the rest of France, there were still as many codes of law as there were fiefdoms. The “country” operated with 150 different forms of currency and at least a dozen languages. Uniting all this into one cohesive unit was a formidable task and a constant struggle between those who wore the crown of France and its feudal lords. As such, Hugh Capet’s reign was marked by numerous power struggles with the vassals on the borders of the Seine and the Loire.

While Hugh Capet’s military power was limited and he had to seek military aid from Richard I of Normandy, his unanimous election as king gave him great moral authority and influence. Adémar de Chabannes records, probably apocryphally, that during an argument with the Count of Auvergne, Hugh demanded of him: “Who made you count?” The count riposted: “Who made you king?”.

Dispute with the papacy

Hugh made Arnulf Archbishop of Reims in 988, even though Arnulf was the nephew of his bitter rival, Charles of Lorraine. Charles thereupon succeeded in capturing Reims and took the archbishop prisoner. Hugh, however, considered Arnulf a turncoat and demanded his deposition by Pope John XV. The turn of events outran the messages, when Hugh captured both Charles and Arnulf and convoked a synod at Reims in June 991, which obediently deposed Arnulf and chose as his successor Gerbert of Aurillac. These proceedings were repudiated by Rome, although a second synod had ratified the decrees issued at Reims. John XV summoned the French bishops to hold an independent synod outside the King’s realm, at Aachen, to reconsider the case. When they refused, he called them to Rome, but they protested that the unsettled conditions en route and in Rome made that impossible. The Pope then sent a legate with instructions to call a council of French and German bishops at Mousson, where only the German bishops appeared, the French being stopped on the way by Hugh and Robert.

Through the exertions of the legate, the deposition of Arnulf was finally pronounced illegal. After Hugh’s death, Arnulf was released from his imprisonment and soon restored to all his dignities.

Legacy

Hugh Capet died on 24 October 996 in Paris and was interred in the Saint Denis Basilica. His son Robert continued to reign.

Most historians regard the beginnings of modern France with the coronation of Hugh Capet. This is because, as Count of Paris, he made the city his power centre. The monarch began a long process of exerting control of the rest of the country from there.

He is regarded as the founder of the Capetian dynasty. The direct Capetians, or the House of Capet, ruled France from 987 to 1328; thereafter, the Kingdom was ruled by collateral branches of the dynasty. All French kings through Louis Philippe, and all royal pretenders since then, have belonged to the dynasty. As of 2009, members of the Capetian dynasty are still the heads of state of the kingdom of Spain (in the person of the Bourbon Juan Carlos) and of the grand-duchy of Luxembourg, making it the oldest continuously reigning dynasty in the world.

Ancestry

Marriage and issue

Hugh Capet married Adelaide, daughter of William Towhead, Count of Poitou. Their children are as follows:

• Robert II, who became king after the death of his father
• Hedwig, or Hathui, who married Reginar IV, Count of Hainaut
• Gisela, or Gisele

A number of other daughters are less reliably attested.

Notes

1. ^ Capet is a byname of uncertain meaning distinguishing him from his father Hugh the Great. Folk etymology connects it with cape, other suggested etymologies derive it from terms for chief, mocker or big head. See further fr:Capet (nom). His father’s byname is presumed to have been retrospective, Latin: Hugo Magnus, meaning Hugh the Elder, this Hugh being Hugh the Younger, Capet being a 12th century addition; James, p. 183.
2. ^ For a fuller explanation of the descent and relationships of Hugh, see the genealogical tables in Riché, Les Carolingiens, pp. 399 ff.
3. ^ James, pp 183–184; Theis, pp 65–66.
4. ^ Theis, pp. 69–70.
5. ^ James, pp. xxiii, 182–183; Gauvard, pp. 163–168; Riché, pp. 285 ff.
6. ^ Lewis, 908.
7. ^ Lewis, 914.
8. ^ Lewis, passim.
9. ^ Bordenove, pp. 265–266
10. ^ Thus Gauvard, p. 531.

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